一本严肃的艺术与考古研究杂志，海内外知名学者评审，一年只出一辑，你读了吗

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轉載自浙江大學藝術與考古博物館微信「游於藝」（zju-art），原文標題為《第二輯發行（附徵稿啓事）》。

編輯委員會 Editorial BoardRobert Bagley Princeton University

白謙慎 Boston University

Lothar von Falkenhausen University of California, Los Angeles

謝明良  臺灣大學

李零  北京大學

李玉珉  臺灣大學

繆哲  浙江大學

石守謙  Academia Sinica

曾布川寬  黑川古文化研究所

Peter C. Sturman  University of California, Santa Barbara

Alain Thote  École Pratique des Hautes Études

主   編 Editor  繆哲

副主編 Associate Editor  來國龍

編   輯 Assistant Editor  陳雅飛

投稿或咨詢請洽：

《浙江大學藝術與考古研究》編輯部

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網址：http://zujaa.zju.edu.cn論文由新出青銅器再論“恭王長年説”——兼論西周中期後段青銅器的變化

韓巍

Ancient Chinese Bells and the Origin of the Chromatic Scale

Robert Bagley

周公輔成王

繆哲

Dong Qichang’s Seals: A More Rigorous Approach to the Dating of Undated Works

Celia Carrington Riely

分歧與動力——論王鐸與董其昌

薛龍春書評Wang Haicheng, Writing and the Ancient State: Early China in Comparative Perspective

Zhang Hanmo

Wei-cheng Lin, Building a Sacred Mountain: The Buddhist Architecture of China’s Mount Wutai

李玉珉

Peter N. Miller and François Louis, eds. Antiquarianism and Intellectual Life in Europe and China, 1500–1800 and Alain Schnapp, ed., with Lothar von Falkenhausen, Peter N. Miller, and Tim Murray, World Antiquarianism: Comparative Perspectives

Jeffrey Moser



提要：本文以近年新出西周青銅器爲切入點，將簋、裘衛簋、虎簋蓋、作册吴盉等西周中期的高紀年銅器定爲恭王時器，進一步論證了恭王紀年應在30年以上的觀點。在此基礎上，采用“繫聯法”找出恭王時期的代表性銅器群，並將其劃分爲10組。同時將恭懿時期高等級墓葬出土的青銅器資料，與穆王時期典型墓葬的青銅器資料進行對比，總結出恭王時期青銅器在器類、組合、器形、紋飾等各方面出現的新變化，指出恭王銅器具有“承前啓後”的特點，開啓了西周青銅器從前期向後期演變的大門。最後討論了過去學者提出的西周中晚期存在一次“禮制改革”的觀點，指出西周青銅器這一巨大轉變實際上經歷了西周中期後段至少五六十年的時間，而並非過去認爲的是一種短時間内完成的“自上而下的革命”。

關鍵詞：西周、青銅器、斷代研究、年代學、恭王、禮制改革Abstract: Utilizing new evidencefrom recently excavated Western Zhou bronzes, this essay argues that some bronzes from the middle Western Zhou dynasty which have long reign recordsin their inscriptions, such as the Lu Gui, Qiuwei Gui, Hu Gui Lid, and Zuocewu He, should be dated to the reign of King Gong. The attribution of these vessels demonstrates that thereign of King Gong lasted at least thirty years. Using the “associative method” (xilianfa), the author identifies ten distinct groups of representative King Gong erabronzes. By comparing bronzes excavated from elite tombs of the era of Kings Gong and Yi with bronzes from the classic tombs of the era of King Mu, theauthor identifies a range of novel features that include new vessel types, assemblages, vessel shapes, and décor. Together, these features signal thereign of King Gong as the beginning of the great transformation of bronzes thatoccurred during the Western Zhou. In contrast to the theory that a suddentop-down ritual reformation occurred between the middle and late Western Zhou, the author argues that the transformation of Western Zhou bronzes was a long, gradual process spanning at least fifty to sixty years.

Keywords: Western Zhou, bronzes, periodization, chronology, KingGong, ritual reform

Abstract: In recent decades Chinese archaeologists have unearthed ancient musical instruments whose implications for music theory reach well beyond ancient China. Tuned sets of bronze bells that still sound their original pitches are now known as far back as the eleventh century BCE. Most remarkable and most informative is a fifth century set found in the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (d. 433 BCE). Its sixty-five bells—a total of 2,500 kilograms of bronze—play a five-octave pentatonic scale that begins two octaves below middle C. A three-octave stretch within that compass is fully chromatic. The bells are inscribed at their strike points with the names of the pitches they sound and with longer texts describing transpositions from one pentatonic tonality to another. Nineteen further instruments—drums, winds, zithers, and a set of forty-one chime stones—werefound alongside the bells. The chime stones, twelve per octave, are numbered from 1 to 41 in pitch order. Beginning on the first G# above middle C, they supply just under three and a half octaves of the chromatic scale. Like the bells, they are inscribed with their pitches and with transposing inscriptions written by theorists who understood the chromatic scale as equivalent to all possible transpositions of the anhemitonic pentatonic scale. On the evidence of these and earlier finds, the present paper argues that in China the chromaticscale was constructed and instruments were tuned to it long before theorists learned how to calculate musical scales. The existence of a non-mathematical route to the chromatic scale has implications for our understanding of the scale in the West as well as in China.

Keywords: chromatic scale, tuning and temperament, tuned bell sets, ancient Chinese music theory, Zeng Hou Yi, Ling Lun, Lüshi chunqiu

 提要：中國考古學家在近幾十年發掘出來的古代樂器對音樂理論的啓示遠遠超出了古代中國的範圍。現知仍能奏出原始音高的編鐃可以早至公元前十一世紀，而最不同凡響、最富含信息的是公元前五世紀的曾侯乙墓所出的編鐘（下葬年代爲公元前433年）。它由65 件樂鐘組成，用銅量達到2500公斤，所奏五聲音階從中央C 音下的第二個八度開始跨越五個八度音程。在這一音域中的三個連續八度具有完整的半音音階。在這些鐘的敲擊點鑄有它們的音名和描述如何從一種五聲調式移到另一種五聲調式的長篇銘文。和編鐘一起出土的還有鼓、管樂器、弦樂器和一套原有41件的編磬等另外19種樂器。編磬按照音高順序從1 號編到41號，每個八度音程有12 件。從中央C音之上的#G 開始它們剛好提供了三個半八度音程的半音音階。編磬和編鐘一樣有關於它們的音名和移調的銘文，而寫作這些銘文的樂理學家將半音音階視爲無半音五聲音階所有移調産生音高的順次排列。根據此墓及時代更早的發現，本文認爲在中國半音音階的形成和以此調音的樂器的産生，均遠早於樂理學家對如何計算音階的掌握。這一不用數學方法而得到半音音階途徑的存在，對於我們理解中西方的音階均有啓發意義。

關鍵詞：半音音階、編鐘、中國古代樂理、曾侯乙、伶倫、《吕氏春秋》





提要：“周公輔成王”是戰國儒生據《尚書》等古籍所構建的一儒家意識形態話語，漢代武帝後，又成爲官方意識形態的重要教條。是後君臣咸引爲説，以推進其政治事業或意識形態主張。唯此義用於漢代政治與意識形態，又隨情境而隱顯。蓋王莽前，“周公輔成王”多爲辯説的修辭，或强化論點，或藻飾其説。平帝至居攝中，王莽重構漢代意識形態，以爲政治之合法，在於重演歷史；“周公輔成王”遂頗遭古文經義重構，成爲王莽政治劇場的主要腳本。光武復漢，雜取王莽重構的意識形態，並加以標準化；經義之“周公輔成王”，又成爲“帝王有輔”義的“正例”。其後明帝與章帝，自命“繼體守文”的成王；“周公輔成王”例，則被演出爲禮儀的盛觀。是後其義漸隱，僅爲修辭的濫調了。漢代的《周公輔成王》畫像，或産生於上述情景，並作爲文字經義的視覺表達，服務於不同的政治主張。其類型今可知者有二：一據今文經義，一據古文經義。前者始作於武帝，圖作成王在襁褓，周公負之於背；後者或始作於王莽，其中成王作十餘齡童子形象，正面站立。今存魯中南東漢祠墓畫像中的《周公輔成王》，或爲後者之遺影。

關鍵詞：漢畫像、周公、成王、王莽、今文經、古文經

Abstract: As a Confucian discourse formulated in the late Warring States period, “the Duke of Zhou Acting as King Cheng’s Regent” became elaborated into an ideological dogma after Confucianism was established as the official ideology of the Han dynasty during Emperor Wu’s reign. Thereafter, the dogma was used continually to promote political orideological causes. As a shaping force in politics and ideology, its dormancy or activation was contingent on specific political situations.

Before the time of Wang Mang, the dogma was usually citedas a rhetorical device

to support or embellish political arguments, with little political consequence. When Wang Mang rose to power as Emperor Ping’s regent, he systematically overhauled the official ideology, and based his legitimacy asregent on his ability to reenact authentically the past events sanctified by Confucian exegesis, particularly “the Duke of Zhou Acting as Regent.” To promote his cause, he reinterpreted the dogma in accordance with the positionof the Old Text School, and used it as the scenario of the re-enaction unfolded in his political theater. After the restoration of the Han by Emperor Guangwu, the scenario was standardized into a doctrine that “a sage monarch needsassistants,” with the Duke of Zhou and King Cheng as the example sanctified by the exegesis. His immediate successors, Emperor Ming and Emperor Zhang, attempted to associate their reigns with that of King Cheng, who had succeeded the founder of the Zhou dynasty. To make manifest this claim, they re-enactedthe sanctified example as a ritual pageant. After that, to the end of the Han dynasty, the example lost its significance gradually and ended up a rhetoricalcliche. As an art theme, Duke of Chou Acting as Cheng King’s Regent must have been created originally in this context, and thus should be understood asa visual expression of the above-mentioned political and ideological efforts. Of the theme there appears to have exited two types. One was commissioned by Emperor Wu himself. Based on the interpretation of the New Text School, this type featured Cheng king as a baby in swaddling clothes carried on Duke of Chou’s back. No example of this type exists. The other one was possibly commissioned by Wang Mang and based on the interpretation of the Old Text School, probably featuring Cheng King as a young boy standing by himself. Its traces can be found in surviving Han stone carvings with the same theme.

Keywords: Han stone carving, Duke of Chou, Cheng King, Wang Mang, the New Text

School, the Old Text School



Abstract: The art historian whostudies later Chinese painting and calligraphy, faced with an artist’s undated work, usually dates it on the basis of its style, inserting it into the body of dated works by the artist at the point where it seems stylistically best suited. But precisely where an undated work fits within an artist's stylistic developmentis open to any number of interpretations. This essay attempts to demonstrate that for the many undated works by the late Ming artist Dong Qichang on which the artist has impressed his seals, the seals frequently afford a far more accurate means of dating than a judgment based on style alone can provide.

Keywords: Dong Qichang, seals, dating提要：研究中國明清書畫的學者，在面對一個藝術家的無年款作品時，通常會根據由這個藝術家的年款作品所建立起來的風格序列，嘗試爲無年款作品作最妥適的繫年。然而，把一件無年款作品根據風格來繫年的做法，會導致種種詮釋上的分歧。

本文試圖對晚明書畫家董其昌具年款作品上的印章作排序分析，以建立這些個别印章的使用時期。在此基礎上，董氏無年款作品上的印章，通過排比，常會爲我們提供一種比僅從風格入手來判斷年代更有說服力、更爲精確的繫年方法。

關鍵詞：董其昌、印章、繫年





提要：晚明王鐸繼董其昌而起，與董一樣，他也頗具雄心，以文化權威自期。在與董其昌相交集的時期，他們感情甚洽，在摹古、鑒定、社交策略及傳播手段上，董氏都啓發了年輕的王鐸。而在董其昌去世之後，王鐸卻毫不諱言和董的分歧。在繪畫方面，他不認同董源在山水畫史上的宗主地位，而對荊浩等五代北宋畫家給予了更高的評價。在書法方面，與董其昌推崇“秀”與“淡”不同，王鐸將氣勢、力量與層次的繁複作爲經營的重心。追隨董其昌的松江派與時流，成爲王鐸嚴厲批判的標靶。這些分歧，與王鐸對大幅作品的青睞有密切關繫。就書法而言，王鐸爲適應立軸新形式對整體感的要求，完成了以結構模式對董其昌用筆模式的取代。這一轉换更深刻的原因，則可追溯到萬曆、崇禎兩個時期不同的歷史情境與文人心態。董、王之間的分歧成爲當日書法新變的動力，而王鐸對偶然意趣的强化，又隱然可見董其昌所提倡的“生”之美學的遺澤。

關鍵詞：王鐸、董其昌、晚明、文化權威

 

Abstract: Wang Duo (1593–1652) inherited Dong Qichang’s (1555–1636) self-assurance and ambitious pursuit ofcultural authority. While Dong was still alive, the two men enjoyed a close relationship, and Wang took his lead from Dong on matters of artist icemulation, connoisseurship, social strategy, and self-publicity. But after Dong’s death, Wang went his own way. He denied the preeminence that Dong Qichang had attributed to Dong Yuan in the history of landscape painting, and praised Jing Hao and other Five Dynasties and Northern Song painters. Whereas Dong favored a light, subtle manner of calligraphy, Wang emphasized momentum, force, and complex layering. These differences stemmed in a large measure from Wang’s esteem for the large hanging scroll format. Wang adapted to the premiumthat the new format placed on the overall affect of the work, completing the transition from Dong Qichang’s brushwork-oriented practice to the new composition oriented approach. Ultimately, this transformation can be traced tothe differences between the historical circumstances and literati attitudes ofthe Wanli (1573–1620) and Chongzhen (1628–1644) eras. While the distinction between Dong and Wang motivated the development of calligraphy, Wang Duo’s emphasis on the appeal of accidental qualities nevertheless preserved a trace of Dong Qichang’s aesthetics of “ingenuousness” (sheng).

Keywords: Wang Duo, Dong Qichang, Late Ming, cultural authority





自2014年起，我們將連續刊行一份以藝術史與考古研究為主要內容的出版物，並名之為《浙江大學藝術與考古研究》。

“藝術與考古”是一個較老的名詞。19世紀末至20世紀上葉，包括古典藝術在內的西方藝術史研究，即多以此為名。其中“考古”一詞，主要指猶處於草創中的考古學研究；其基本的內容，乃是以美術史方法，研究挖掘出土的藝術品；與我們今天所稱的“考古”，即對古代遺址、遺物的系統科學發掘與研究，含義不盡同。我們取以為題，並非有好古癖；“藝術與考古”之“考古”，也不盡取西方的舊義。在我們想來，較其他易想見的、或更通行的名稱，這個舊詞，或更符合我們提倡的包容性。比如，倘循名責實，則通行的“美術史研究”，原當以為“美”、或為欣賞而創作的作品為物件；而藝術史的物件，卻多有不為美、或為欣賞而作者。“視覺文化”是一個新的名詞；它強調非物質性的觀念、態度、思想與文化背景，並以此自異於以鑒定、鑒賞（connoisseurship）為主的傳統藝術史研究，而惟新是好，並非我們的追求。與之相對的“物質文化”一詞，又太強調作品或“物”的物質側面，與我們期待的“包容”，亦難兩合。所以不徑取“藝術史”者，既有現實的考慮（如已有同名刊物），也有學理的理由。藝術史的物件，若非傳世品，便是考古品，各為江山之半壁；就後者的研究而言，何為藝術史方法，何為考古學方法，有時並不很清晰。總之，可想及的名稱，都不盡合我們對包容性的追求。略與之合的，想來只有這較老的、亦較寬泛的“藝術與考古”。但詞雖舊，我們期望其命則新：即包容所有的方法，包括老的、新的，及學科邊界不易定的。

雖然如此，我們也非無所倡導。藝術史的物件，固然雖是作品，是“物”，但我們應問、並回答的問題，卻無不與人有關：人如何設計、製作並使用了它？人對它有怎樣的觀念、看法，或感受？這些問題，唯有把物置於其產生時代的政治、社會、宗教、文化乃至經濟的脈絡中，方才問得允當，答得確當。時代好比織物，藝術乃其中的經緯，其材料、色彩、粗細及摛布的方式，莫不取決於與其他經緯的關聯。如此開展藝術史研究，方可擺脫藝術史舊有的戀物傾向（fetishism），並成為嚴肅的歷史研究的一組成。為此，我們在用心於“物”的同時，亦須用心於同時代的全部或主要文獻。我們相信，綜合兩者，方可希冀復原其賴以產生的經驗與生活。具體地說，在宣導從歷史序列的角度，去關注“物”或藝術品的同時，我們也宣導對同時代之主要或全部文獻原典的細讀、複讀與歷史性解讀（historical explanation）。割裂文獻與思想脈絡的檢索式閱讀、放棄歷史原則的自由闡釋、對二手文獻的過度依賴──這些已漸成趨勢的做法，是我們不鼓勵的。

與許多學科一樣，藝術史學科的邊界也在不斷遊移；應之而來的，是方法的日新。作為此趨勢的受益者，我們將盡其綿薄，促進學科范式的更新。但如何在“日新”中非僅不喪失、反而強化我們對文明傳統的感受，進而加深我們對文明傳統的理解，是我們期待與作者、讀者一道思考並努力的。

浙江大學藝術與考古研究中心出版説明論文

馬王堆《太一祝圖》考

來國龍

“國際動物”：中國藝術中的獅虎形象

李零

The Poetic Ideas Scroll Attributed to Mi Youren and SimaHuai

Peter C. Sturman

Reassessing Printed Buddhist Frontispieces from Xi Xia

Shih-shan Susan Huang

景德鎮元青花起源之本地因素考察

施静菲

晚清官員日常生活中的書法

白謙慎

書評

Li Feng, Bureaucracy and the State in Early China: Governing the Western Zhou

Lothar von FalkenhausenKakinuma Yōhei 柿沼陽平, Chūgoku kodai kahei keizaishi kenkyū 中國古代貨幣經濟史研究

Lothar von Falkenhausen

Anthony J. Barbieri-Low, Artisans in Early Imperial China and Lillian Lan-yingTseng, Picturing Heaven in Early China

繆哲

 

Shih-shan Susan Huang, Picturing the True Form: Daoist VisualCulture in Traditional China

謝世維提要：本文在前人研究的基礎上，通過重新綴合一塊關鍵性的題記文字殘片，嘗試對帛圖的定名及其可能的功能作出新的解釋，並試圖將中國古代方術的研究與藝術史的問題相結合，爲“感神通靈”和中國早期繪畫傳統的起源與發展等問題的深入探討提供新材料。

關鍵詞：馬王堆、太一祝、圖文關係、早期繪畫



提要：本文以獅子和老虎兩種跨越洲際的“國際動物”爲綫索，利用古文獻、考古、古文字及藝術史材料，對中國藝術中的獅虎形象做概括性描述，探討中國文明腹地與中亞文明間的文化交流。獅子與老虎本在兩個不同的自然分佈區，因人類的交往，在絲綢之路的樞紐（今伊朗、阿富汗一帶）彼此接近，並且作爲貢物，被東西方互相饋贈。中國藝術中的獅子是一種外來動物，雖然其形象在中國被徹底改造，已經面目全非，但在千變萬化之中，我們仍然不難窺見其原型和不斷被人引入的外來影響。與之相映成趣的是，老虎雖是中國的本土動物，但其形象也一樣受到外來影響。

關鍵詞：獅子、老虎、藝術形象、外來影響、文化交流

Abstract: From the time it came to the attention of scholars and connoisseursin the late Ming dynasty, the Poetic Ideas scroll attributed to MiYouren (1074–1151) and Sima Huai (fl. twelfth century) has long been considered an important example of Song dynasty literati painting. The scroll’s twopaintings, each of which is preceded by single poetic lines by Du Fu, offer a rare window into the inventive manner in which Song scholar-official painterscombined texts with images. The scroll has also been noted for the many puzzlesit presents, beginning with the identity of Sima Huai and the authorship of the two paintings, neither of which is signed. The essay reviews the historiography of Poetic Ideas, examines all documentary evidence, and offers new research in an effort to solve some of the many previously unresolved questions. Particular emphasis is put on the identity of the person who chose the Du Fu lines, known only by his style name, Duanshu. Arguing that the mos tlikely candidate for Duanshu is Li Zhiyi (1048–1118 or later), a celebrated literary figure and disciple of Su Shi, the author proposes a date for the making of the scroll during the late Northern Song, as opposed to the early Southern Song, and a context for understanding why these particular Du Fu lines were chosen for illustration.

Keywords: Mi Youren, Sima Huai, Li Zhiyi, Song literati painting, poem-painting

Abstract: This study uses printed Buddhist frontispieces to reevaluate Xi Xiavisual culture and its connections to neighboring cultures—the Song, the Khitan Liao, and the Jurchen Jin. Many frontispieces, produced in large numbers withChinese woodblock printing technology, have been excavated at Khara Khoto, Inner Mongolia, and sites in Gansu and Ningxia. Applying a visual approach, theauthor pays special attention to the uses of modular motifs across cultures.The production of Buddhist texts and frontispieces in early Yuan Hangzhou attests to the legacy of Xi Xia visual culture, which was promoted by Tangutmonks active at the Chinese court and in the Jiangnan area. Far from beingperipheral, Xi Xia’s visual culture participated in dynamic dialogues with its neighbors and deserves a reassessment.

Keywords: Tangut, Xi Xia, frontispiece, print culture, Buddhism





提要：本文以元代景德鎮窯業的根本變革爲基礎，探求新技術傳入背後的社會驅動力，尤其著重在討論青花瓷出現的本地動因。我們若將景德鎮元青花的出現放在元代窯業變革的脈絡中，可看出陶工亟求變革、積極引進新原料及裝飾技法的決心。這些發展似乎應該視爲景德鎮窯業對當時逆境的積極回應，亟欲突破蔣祈《陶記》描述的宋末元初景德鎮的窯業困境。而1278 年“浮梁磁局”的設立，對於景德鎮窯業的恢復與經濟地位的提升，應該也起了一定的作用。然官方管理鬆弛之後，自由市場的活絡與本地社會地域性的需求，最終促成了景德鎮窯業史上极具革命性的各項變革。在此變革當中，景德鎮窯場創燒了包括青花在内的釉下彩繪、紅緑彩、孔雀藍釉、銅紅釉及鈷藍釉等豐富多樣的新産品。同時，我們注意到本地社會地域性的陪葬品與供奉品之需求，對景德鎮釉下彩發展的直接啟示不可輕忽。相對於具體技術發展，啟發青花瓷出現的社會驅動力更是不容忽略，甚至更爲重要。想法的醞釀應當先於相應技術之發展；且起源背後社會驅動力的釐清，有助於整體性地理解相應技術及風格的選擇與使用。相信這樣的思考方向，對元青花起源之研究具有關鍵性的助益。

關鍵詞：景德鎮、元青花、本地因素



提要：本文以晚清一些政府官員的日記和信札爲基本史料，對他們日常生活中的書法活動做一初步的研究。涉及的問題有日課、應酬書法的主要形式和數量、人口增加對應酬書法的影響以及提高書寫效率的種種策略等。本文還討論了爲什麽晚清官員不賣自己的作品，以及中國社會中特殊的索書現象。而本文主要的關懷是，如何把對晚清最後一二代政府官員的書法活動的描述和分析，作爲觀察處在巨變之中的中國社會精英文化生活的一個重要視點。

關鍵詞：書法、日課、對聯、扇面、人口增長、索書



 

一、《浙江大學藝術與考古研究》由浙江大學藝術與考古研究中心編輯。英文名為Zhejiang University Journal of Art and Archaeology (ZUJAA)。暫定每年一輯，十六開本，於四季度出版。

二、本出版物刊載藝術史、考古學與物質文化研究論文，另闢書評、評述、研究動態等欄目。

三、本出版物面向海內外，接受中外文投稿，來稿請寄：zujaa@zju.edu.cn， zujaa2014@126.com。

四、本出版物採用雙向匿名評審制度。稿件經編輯委員會送同行專家評審通過後，始予刊載。

五、本出版物稿件無字數限制，長短以所討論問題需要為度。

六、非經編委會同意，本出版物不接受已公開發表或一稿多投之稿件。稿件在評審中，作者倘須在他處發表，須致函編委會聲明，經同意後方可撤回。

七、稿件倘涉版權（如圖版或較長引文），作者宜事先徵得版權持有者許可，本出版物不負版權之責。確有需要者，可向編輯部申請圖版版權補貼（每篇稿件以1200元人民幣 / 200美元為限）。

八、稿件一經採用，作者將獲贈樣書五本，編輯部不另致稿酬。

九、書評、評述、研究動態由編輯約稿。歡迎出版社或作者自薦圖書，供編委會委託撰寫書評。

十、稿件發表後，文章版權歸浙江大學藝術與考古研究中心所有。經編委會書面同意後，作者方可他用。

 投稿或咨詢請洽：

《浙江大學藝術與考古研究》編輯部  陳雅飛收

地址：浙江省杭州市餘杭塘路866號 · 浙江大學紫金港校區西三A樓206B室（郵編310058）

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